The War On Heresy

The War On Heresy



Notes and Bibliography


To friends, colleagues and reviewers (including those who are all three) :


The decision that The War on Heresy should carry only minimal notes in place of a full academic apparatus was mine. It was not even suggested, let alone imposed, by Profile, who have been the most generous and forbearing of publishers. I did it because though I have never understood why the non-academic reader (perhaps more in the UK than the US) is put off by the sight of proper notes and a respectable bibliography  – nobody makes him read them – I have reluctantly come to accept that it is the case.  The War on Heresy was conceived in exasperation that railway and airport bookstalls, and even quite serious bookshops, almost never have anything to offer on medieval European history except books on the crusades. As some of you may know I do not regard this as the aspect of the subject that the reading public most needs to know about, or as the one in which the current state of our art has reached its highest point. So when I also noticed that the occasional exceptions tended to feature heretics, especially ‘Cathars’, though not in treatments that I could recommend, it seemed time to put my money,  or at any rate my Mac, where my mouth was.  My idea was to knock off in a year or so a lightweight version of what I knew so well, because I had been saying it for so long.  It didn’t work out that way.  As so many wiser heads than mine have known, if you start again at the beginning you are on a new road.  If I had realised from the outset how different this story was going to be I would have taken my proposal to a UP and swaddled it in footnotes and appendices. I am very glad that I did not. John Davey’s comment on my first draft of the Prologue and first chapter – which I thought a triumph of popularisation – was ‘People don’t want to know what didn’t happen.’ Taken seriously (and ruthlessly reinforced by AER’s astonishing ability to simulate total ignorance and philistinism) this maxim was subversive of everything that a lifetime of pedagogy has – for the best of reasons – made second nature.  It also makes it very difficult to evade issues. It has certainly made this, from a strictly academic point of view, a much better and more searching piece of work than it would otherwise have been.  Whether I have learned it well enough to make the airport bookstalls remains to be seen

By March 2017 it has become apparent that I did not make it to the airport bookstalls. That  probably had nothing to do with the decision described above, but in any case it was a mistake: as a wise friend pointed out, print is permanent and websites are not. Happily the French translation, Hérétiques, currently being prepared by Julien Théry-Astruc for publication by Bélin later in 2017, will contain these notes and this bibliography.



The following abbreviations are used in the Notes:

Bouquet     M. Bouquet et al., Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, 24  vols (Paris, 1738–)

AESC         Annales: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations

AFP            Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum

BPH           R. I. Moore, The Birth of Popular Heresy (London, 1975)

CCM          Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévales

H&A          Edward Peters, Heresy and Authority in Medieval Europe (Philadelphia 1980)

JEH            Journal of Ecclesiastical History

JMH           Journal of Medieval History

JRH            Journal of Religious History

Mansi         J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio (Florence and Venice, 1758–98)

MGH         Monumenta Germaniae Historica:

L de L        Libelli de lite

SRG           Scriptores rerum Germanicum in usum scholarum

SS              Scriptores in folio

PL              J. P. Migne, Patrologia Latina, 221 vols (Paris, 1844–5)

RS              Rolls Series (London, 1858–1911)

Spec           Speculum

SCH           Studies in Church History

TRHS         Transactions of the Royal Historical Society

W&E          Walter L. Wakefield and A. P. Evans, Heresies of the High Middle Ages   (New York, 1969)

Wakefield   Walter L. Wakefield, Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern  France, 1100–1250 (London, 1974)

Details of other works referred to by author and short title are given in the Bibliography.

Additions to the printed notes are inserted at the appropriate points and signified by

Page number. phrase referred to


For the most part I do not note here the innumerable points at which my views now differ from those I have expressed previously, in The Origins of European Dissent and elsewhere. That I have often changed my mind in the course of half a century scarcely seems worthy of comment, but for what it is worth some account may be found in my ‘Afterthoughts’ in Frassetto,  Heresy and the Persecuting Society (2006).  Even that essay, however, reflects only the beginning of the rethinking precipitated by the work of Monique Zerner and her associates which has so profoundly shaped this book; in particular I had not then begun to appreciate the implications of the work of Uwe Brunn, whose Des Contestataires aux ‘Cathares’ also appeared in 2006 and had been foreshadowed (to the best of my knowledge) only by a brief note in Heresis (2004).

References are intended to acknowledge my debts and point to current issues, not to offer general bibliographical or historiographical guidance.


Prologue: death and a maiden


It is always disturbing: Roberts, Secret Societies, 1974 ed, 15

1 Chronica regia Coloniensis, MGH SRG, XVIII, 114; BPH, 88–9.

2 MGH SS, VIII, 65–6; BPH, 21.

3 MGH SS, XIII, 286–7.

4 Chronicon Anglicanum, ed. J. Stevenson,  RS (London, 1875), 121–5; BPH, 86–8.


  1. It is easy to see how much more fancifully: Peters, Magician, 35 – 44


  1. Walter Simon, Cities of Ladies: Beguine Communities in the Medieval Low Countries, 1200–1565 (Philadelphia, PA, 2001), 23.

6 Graham Robb, The Discovery of France (London, 2007), 35.


  1. burned by ‘the people’: Moore, `Popular Heresy and Popular Violence, 1022-1179′, in Studies in Church History, ed. W. J. Sheils, 21, Toleration and Persecution (Oxford, 1984), 43-50.‘Popular violence and popular heresy’


7 William of Newburgh, Historia rerum Anglicarum, II, xiii, ed. R. Howlett, Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen etc., RS (London 1884–5); BPH, 131–4.


  1. nothing new, or even specifically Christian: Moore, Formation, 147 – 55


Justinian I equated heresy with treason: or, more strictly, with lèse-majesté: on          penalties for heresy in Roman law, Jones, Later Roman Empire, 953 – 4, and on Justinian’s persecutions, ibid. 285 – 7


  1. 9. defined by Robert Grosseteste: not in his writings, but, according to Matthew Paris, on his death-bed (1253): Southern, Grosseteste, 291 – 5, pointing out that the statement was not strictly in accordance with the canonical orthodoxy of Grossesteste’s time, which insisted rather that the essence of heresy lay in deviation from the established doctrines of the church. Hence, Grosseteste’s characterisation was broadly speaking, as I put it in BPH, 3, ‘valid for the century before his own,’ precisely because it did not altogether reflect the legal and theological developments of the decades around 1200 described in Chapters 14 – 17 below – but cf. Winroth, Gratian’s Decretum, 73 – 6


  1. To deny the myths: the point is stressed because in the heat of debate the language of discourse and deconstruction, and hence scepticism of the Cistercian and inquisitorial myths, can sometimes give rise to misunderstanding of a most regrettable kind: see, e.g., Michel Rocquebert, ‘La déconstructionisme et les études cathares’, in Aurell ed., Les cathares 135 – 44, and several exchanges in the tables rondes of that volume, notably at 86 – 7.


1: The avenging flames


The trial and burning at Orléans and its background have long been the subject of extensive comment, beginning since its publication in 1975 with Bautier ‘’L’hérésie d’Orléans’; major modern discussions include Poly and Bournazel, Feudal Transformation, 273 – 6,  Stock, Implications, 106 – 20, Head, Hagiography, 265 – 70, Fichtenau, Heretics and Scholars 30 – 41 and Barthèlmy, L’an mil, 190 – 6.


  1. Rodulfus Glaber Opera, ed. John France, Nithard Bulst and Paul Reynolds (Oxford, 1989), 138–51.


  1. men of the highest standing and influence: for a particularly fine discussion (not applicable only to bishops) Jaeger, ‘The Courtier Bishop’


rumours of which reverberated through northern France: in addition to the reports discussed below possible examples are ( a. 1027) in the poem of Egbert of Liège discussed by Fichtenau, Heretics, 19 – 20, and (in the early 1030s) the Vita Taurini of Evreux: Kahn Herrick, Imagining, 30, 35, 57.  Egbert’s direct reference was to the trial at Arras in 1024 – 5, but it is hardly conceivable that Gerard of Cambrai did not know of the Orléans burnings.


  1. John of Ripoll, in André: vie de Gauzlin, abbé de Fleury, ed. R. H. Bautier and Gillette Labory (Paris, 1969), 181.


  1. André: vie de Gauzlin, 99.


  1. they did not believe in the church as an institution or the rank of bishops or their capacity to ordain priests. Barthélemy, CCM 199, 25 points out that this accusation probably counters one of simony; he is surely right.


followed by something of a witch-hunt: suggested, e.g., by the rather odd reference of Adémar, c. 1032,  to those who when tortured prefer execution to conversion (Landes Relics 39, n. 91) and by the reference of Anselm of Liège to Wazo of Liège having heard ‘how many Catholics had been killed’ through having been identified as heretics by the paleness of their faces  (BPH 24).


  1. For a clear exposition of this inheritance, David Luscombe, Medieval Thought (Oxford, 1997), 9–38.


  1. Chronicon, ed. J. Chavanon (Paris, 1897), 184–5; cf. Richard Landes, Relics, Apocalypse and the Deceits of History: Ademar of Chabannes, 989–1034 (Cambridge, MA, 1995), 130–53.


  1. Norman Cohn, Europe’s Inner Demons (London, 1975), 1–15; Stephen Benko, Pagan Rome and the Early Christians (London, 1985), 54–79.


  1. Here Adémar betrays his own agenda. See Chapter 4.


stories directed by Roman pagans.  A. E. Redgate, on the other hand, suggests that the Ethiopian and the magic dust are not characteristic products of late antiquity, and that the dust is reminiscent of eleventh- and twelfth-century miracle stories (private communication). Demons appear in the guise of Ethiopians in Damiani’s vita Romualdi, ch. xvii.


  1. ‘the [royal] favourite among the clerks in the cathedral’: this, rather than France’s ‘most charitable of clerks’, seems to me the meaning of Glaber’s ‘in monasterio Sancte Crucis clericorum carissimus habebatur’ (140).


Heribert, master of the school…at Saint-Pierre-le-Puellier.  Sometimes taken to be the Aribert/Heribert who according to Paul of St Père unmasked the plot – unnecessarily: it is a common name.


20 – 1. a sort of extended footnote: Berkhofer, Day of Reckoning, 30 – 2.


  1. Paul of St Père of Chartres, Gesta synodi Aurelianensis, Bouquet, X, 536–9; BPH, 10–15.


21 Harfast: the brother of Duke Richard I’s wife Gunnor, but in spite of his rank not obviously a powerful political figure: see Searle, Predatory Kinship, 100 – 1, 103, 115 – 6. Nevertheless, the connection is further confirmation of the highly (in both senses) political nature and motivation of this affair.


  1. he describes Robert as curing sufferers from scrofula: Bloch, Les Rois thaumaturges, 43 – 41, 79 – 83. Since Gregory of Tours attributes healing powers to the Merovingian king Guntramn (HF ix. 21) Helgaud in this way reinforced Robert’s claim to be the legitimate successor of Clovis, which had been directly, though implicitly, challenged by the accusation of heresy at his court. On Helgaud’s life of Robert as hagiography see Barthélmy, L’an mil, 483 – 7.


Constance was King Robert’s third wife: see Duby, The Knight, 75 – 85


  1. A kangaroo court: Adalbero of Laon, Poème au roi Robert ed. Carozzi pp. 4 – 6, l. 56, complained of the exclusion of scholars from this tribunal – an exclusion the more striking if what was at issue was the legitimacy of neoplatonist readings of the scriptures.


Goslin … publicly recited a confession of faith: this must have taken place at the synod, though André tried to describe it as though on some other occasion – Bautier, 86. The oath was the one which Gerbert of Aurillac had been required to swear before his consecration as archbishop of Reims in 991 (Ilarino, ‘L’eresie popolari’, 44 – 5); in one of its aspects the Orléans trial represented a successful attack on the circle of Gerbert by Fulbert and his pupils.  The exaction of the oath implies that Goslin had at least been threatened with deprivation of his archbishopric, perhaps symbolically deposed and restored.


  1. The label was used and intended for rhetorical effect: Head, Hagiography, 240 – 55 on Abbo, especially at 248 – 50 ; Lobrichon, ‘The Chiaroscuro of Heresy,’ in Head and Landes, Peace of God, 91; Fulbert, Letters, 50 -1; Adam of Bremen, 154


  1. Landes, Relics, 178–93.


  1. Such episodes cropped up intermittently: Brown, ‘Sorcery, Demons’; for Gerberga, Nithard ch. 5 (Scholz 135); Ann. St Bertin 31 and further refs


To save King Robert’s face: on the importance to the Frankish monarchy of its role as protecting the church against heresy cf. Wood,  Merovingian Kingdoms, 41 – 50; Innes, ‘Immune from heresy.’


  1. For what follows, R. I. Moore, ‘Heresy as Politics and the Politics of Heresy’, in Law and the Illicit in Medieval Europe, ed. Ruth Mazo Karras, Joel Kaye and E. Ann Matter (Philadelphia, PA, 2008), 33–46.


  1. The Letters of Abelard and Heloise, trans. Betty Radice, 2nd edn (London, 2003), 20


  1. M. T. Clanchy, Abelard: A Medieval Life (Oxford, 1997), 289–90.



2: The gift of the Holy Spirit


Boethius,V. 2, trans. Watts, 149.


  1. BPH, 14.


  1. the religious in every part of Europe, including the neighbourhood of Orléans: Head, Hagiogaphy, 262 – 5, describing the cult of Gregory, reportedly an Armenian archbishop who gave up his see to avoid pride and made his way to Pithiviers, where he lived with great austerity, notably in respect of diet (absolutely no meat or offal), instructing parish and monastic priests and ‘lay monks’ in the spiritual life and attracting popular veneration for his austerity. The story seems to reflect not only the dietary habits often associated with heresy but, perhaps more tellingly, a weak differentiation between clergy and laity.


  1. André: vie de Gauzlin, 97–8.


  1. St Odo… once dreamed: John of Salerno, Vita Odonis I. 12, PL 133, col. 49


  1. Rodulfus Glaber, 92–3.


  1. Landolf Senior, Historia mediolanensis, II, MGH SS, VIII, 65–6; BPH, 19–21. Rodulfus Glaber, 177–81, has a story apparently related but even by his standards too bizarre to be worth discussing. On Landolf, Stock, Literacy 174 – 5


38: bees as models of industrious and self- denying virtue. The early Hutterites called their communities ‘beehives’: McCullough, Reformation, 170.


  1. Huguette Taviani, ‘Naissance d’une héresie en Italie du Nord en XIe. siècle’, Annales ESC 29:5 (1974), 1224–52.


39: another dubious and uncorroborated assertion: the so-called endura or ritual suicide, which once figured prominently in the Cathar myth, probably developed from the claim of Rainier Sacchoni (c. 1250) that because ‘they think it absolutely necessary to pray before they eat or drink…many of them when ill tell those who are looking after them not to place any food or drink in their mouths unless they can say at least a pater noster’. (BPH 136). ‘In this sense’ Rainier continues (my italics), ‘it is true that many of them kill themselves in this way.’


  1. an energetic and ambitious bishop and lord: Cowdrey, ‘Archbishop Aribert II’


  1. This debate echoed widely: Cracco, ‘Riforma ed eresia’


  1. ‘What was essential to a textual community was not a written version of a text, although that was sometimes present, but an individual who, having mastered it, then utilized it for reforming a group’s thought and action.’ Brian Stock (the originator of this extremely important idea), The Impact of Literacy (Princeton, NJ, 1983), 90.


  1. Acta synodi Atrebatensis, PL, 142, col. 1271–1312; BPH, 15–19.


43: The sermon that Gerard preached at Arras: Riches, ‘Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai-Arras’, argues that Gerard’s sermon was intended primarily as a defence of his episcopal rights rather than as an attack on the peace movement as seen by Duby, Three Orders 21 – 43. His case is persuasive, but does not, I think, affect my account here and in Chapter 3 either of the views of those accused or of Gerard’s attitude to them. I regret that I have not seen Diane J Reilly, The Art of Reform in Eleventh-Century Flanders: Gerard of Cambrai, Richard of Saint-Vanne and The Saint-Vaast Bible (Leiden, 2006).


  1. In this way Bishop Gerard of Cambrai identified the danger: Cracco, ‘Riforma ed eresia,’ quoting at p. 457 Fulbert’s ep. V, PL 141, col 196. Behrends, lxii – iii, does not accept this letter as authentically Fulbert’s, but it remains a cogent statement of the position he held, and is quoted as such by Durand of Troarn, c. 1053 – 4 (PL 149, col. 1405-6)


3: The apostolic life


  1. On the third day, a Sunday, the bishop in full regalia: I very much regret that Steven Vanderputten and Diane J. Reilly,’Reconciliation and record keeping’ appeared too late (December 2011) to be taken into account in this discussion. Its argument, supported by a rich and full liturgical analysis, is that the synod was organised, and orchestrated, by Gerard as an occasion of reconciliation between the noble factions of a deeply and multiply divided city. As the authors observe, their analysis of the occasion does not necessarily conflict with other accounts of the heresy and its background, and ‘whether the Arras heretics espoused the beliefs summarised in Gerard’s accusations, and indeed whether they were in reality heretics or instead social dissenters, is immaterial to this possible explanation for the structure and contents of a document that potentially encompassed several complementary agendas and intended audiences’ (357). The immediate significance of the paper for what follows is that it provides an explanation for the splendour of the setting and the preservation of the record, and perhaps that it weighs significantly, though not decisively, against the supposition that the heretics were artisans or peasants. The authors do not comment on this question, on the introductory letter, or on Lobrichon’s discussion of the authenticity of the text, (48 below) which is (understandably) omitted from their extremely full and valuable bibliography.


  1. Acta synodi Atrebatensis, PL, 142, col. 1271–1312; BPH, 15–19.


  1. The diocese of Cambrai is one of the best-documented: van Mingroot, Les chartes


  1. Close examination of its language and reasoning: Lobrichon, ‘Arras, 1025’ in Zerner, Inventer, 79 – 80


  1. 4 ordinary working men and women. This is inferred from silence and circumstance, unless the references to supplicia (torture, or at least flogging, implying servile status) in the letter to Bishop R.– both as omitted by R’s officers and applied by Gerard’s – are admissible (see following note). But it does seem improbable that privileged people would have been treated quite as described in the preamble or conclusion, or that their presence among the accused would not have been noted.


  1. a contemporary account of real events: The letter that introduces it may be another matter. It is less consistent with what is reported in the main account (Moore, Origins, 10 – 14) than with the anxieties and purposes of its late twelfth-century editors (cf. Lobrichon 70 – 1)


  1. Arras was at the very beginning of its medieval prosperity: Verlinden, ‘Marchands ou tisserands?’; Annales ESC 27 (1972), 396 – 406. The town was showing signs of the emergence of a hereditary patrciate by this time (Lestocquoy, Les villes de Flandre et d’Italie 20 – 1), and had artisan guilds at least by 1100: Chèdeville, Hist. de France urbaine 2, 118


  1. the church under construction: Fichtenau, 18.


  1. Rodulfus Glaber, 88–91. The story draws heavily on Gregory of Tours’s false Christ of Bourges (Hist. Fr. X. 25), substituting bees for flies. As to the substance of their orders see Matthew 19. 29


  1. Gesta episcoporum Leodiensis, MGH SS, VII, 226–8; BPH, 21–4.


  1. Another possibility is suggested: by Fichtenau, 27; the involvement of Duke Godfrey, ibid., 28; Herman of Reichnau trans. Robinson, Eleventh-Century Germany, 90


  1. Baldri of Dol, Vita B. Roberti, PL, 162, col. 1043–58, chapters 11, 23;

Venarde, Robert of Arbrissel, 12, 19.



4: Monks, miracles and Manichees


1 Chronicon, ed. Chavanon, 173; BPH, 9. on Adémar see Landes, Relics, on which the following discussion of Ademar’s life and writings is largely based.


  1. his description of the Orléans trial of 1022: Ademar’s first draft, c. 1025, referred to heresy only in Toulouse and Orléans; the famous passage bringing ‘Manichees’ to Aquitaine appears only in the second draft, when he implies a connection, later dropped, between their appearance and the collapse of the basilica of St. Martial at Limoges in 1018, when more than 50 people were trampled to death: Landes, Relics, 175 – 6 and passim.


  1. a number of sermons that he wrote around 1031: the subject of much fine work by Daniel F. Callahan and Michael Frassetto in which they argue among much else that Ademar’s frequent references to ‘Manichees’ and the doctrines that he associates with them demonstrate the presence of organised dualist heresy in Aquitaine at this time: see, e.g., Callahan, ‘Ademar of Chabannes and the Bogomils’, Frassetto, ‘The Sermons of Ademar of Chabannes’. Even if the particular obstacles to reliance on Ademar’s judgement discussed here could be set aside, however, it would remain my view, as set out with references in R. I. Moore, ‘Afterthoughts’ 299 – 306 and repeatedly illustrated in this book, that the practices and doctrines which Ademar attributed to his ‘Manichees’ are far too commonly encountered in the history of Christian enthusiasm, and far too easily suggested by or supported in the New Testament and the lives of the fathers, for any weight to be attached to the argument that they would have been held by Bogomils (or Manichees or dualists of any kind) if there had been any Bogomils to hold them, in the absence of specific evidence of the presence or influence of such persons anywhere in western Europe, let alone in Aquitaine, at this time or for long afterwards. Nor am I persuaded by Claire Taylor’s defence of ‘The letter of Heribert’ (JMH 2000) as constituting such evidence. The premise that resemblances between the practices that Heribert described and those attributed to Bulgarian and Byzantine Bogomils by Cosmas and his successors somehow offer a more relevant or circumstantial context for the letter than the well-documented controversy among Cluniacs as to the direction in which the order was developing at this time to which Lobrichon (n. 2 below) had pointed reiterates an old and unsustainable idealist essentialism, the assumption that the only context in which religious (or any) ideas can or should be explained is that of other ideas – or better still,  the same ones, passed from hand to hand down the generations, batons in the perennial race for salvation. Taylor’s wider case in defence of Eastern, or ‘Bogomil’ influence on dissent in early eleventh-century Aquitaine, Heresy in Medieval France  55 – 125 is discussed below, in notes to pp. 323 – 3.


2       BPH, 79, where it is wrongly dated c. 1160: see Guy Lobrichon, ‘The

Chiaroscuro of Heresy’, in The Peace of God: Social Violence and Religious Response around the Year 1000, ed. Thomas Head and Richard Landes (Ithaca, Ny, 1992), 80–103.

3       ‘Chronicle of St Pierre du Puy’, in C. Devic and J. Vaissette, Histoire générale du Languedoc, V, col. 15.


  1. The principles of the Peace of God and reform of the church: see especially Head, ‘Development’, Spec. 1999, 656 – 86, including at 360 a strong though not conclusive case for dating the Council at Poitiers to 1000.


4       Chronicon, ed. Chavanon, 184.


5       P. Bonnassie and R. Landes, in Les sociétés méridionales autour de l’an Mil, ed.

  1. Zimmermann (Paris, 1992), 435–59. I agree with Landes, Relics, 37 – 9, 208 – 9, that if Ademar did encounter heretics they were devotees of the apostolic life. The reference to the Arian heresy on this occasion, however, is an example not of the activity of such people but of the denunciation as Arianism of breaches of ecclesiastical discipline.


6       PL 137, col. 823–6; trans. Thomas Head, ‘The Translation of the Body of St

Junianus’, in Miri Rubin (ed.), Medieval Christianity in Practice (Princeton,

2009), 218.


  1. doubtless exaggerates the impression conveyed by their descriptions: as exhaustively demonstrated by Barthélmy, L’an mil, though some mild qualifications are expressed by Moore, ‘The Weight of Opinion.’


7       E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande

(Oxford, 1937); abridged edn (Oxford, 1976), 18.


8       Patrick Geary, Living with the Dead in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, Ny, 1994),



9       Oxford, Corpus MS 157; Edmund King, Medieval England (London, 1988),

34–5; Plate 2a


  1. intelligent but very excitable monks: this is not a only matter of personal eccentricity, but also a product of the tensions to which the contradictions between different aspects of the rapidly developing monastic ideal could give rise: cf Leyser, ‘Cities of the Plain’ 199 – 205.





5: The simoniac heresy


1          Orderic Vitalis, Ecclesiastical History, viii, 26, ed. Marjorie Chibnall, 6 vols (Oxford, 1968–80), IV, 312. cf. Constable, Monastic Tithes, 136 – 41.


  1. a miracle much in demand from early eleventh-century saints. Moore, ‘Family, Community and Cult’, from which most of the examples in the following pages are drawn; idem., ‘Between Sanctity and Superstition’, which argues, against the views of P – A Sigal, that miracles in vita did not display the same general characteristics as those recorded at shrines, but rather belong with the forms of popular action examined by Geary, Living with the Dead, Little, Benedictine Maledictions and Koziol, Begging Pardon and Favor.


2       Vita Romualdi, PL, 144, cols 965, 1005.


3       See p. 63.


4       John of Lodi, Vita B. Petri Damiani, PL, 144, col. 115.


  1. For Damiani: for subtle and wide ranging exploration of the ways in which for Damiani sex stood for money and power and its regulation offered a means of confronting their corrupting effects, Leyser, ‘Cities of the Plain’ and ‘Custom, Truth and Gender’, to which this discussion is greatly indebted.


5       Odo of Cluny, Life of Gerald, trans. Gerard Sitwell, St Odo of Cluny (London,

1958), 102–3.  On abstinence from the sexual abuse of power cf. Leyser, ‘Masculinity in Flux’.


6       Vita B. Arialdi, MGH SS, XXX, ii, 1050; Vita S. I. Gualberti, MGH SS, XXX,

ii, 1091.


  1. The holy men themselves tended to come from families that ….were not so grand: I owe this point to Maureen Miller.


  1. the Patarenes: still most readily approached through Cowdrey, ‘Archbishop Aribert’ and ‘The Papacy, the Patarenes and the Church of Milan’, and the rich and complex discussion of Stock, Implications, 151 – 240.


7       Arnulf, Gesta episcoporum … mediolanensium, III, xi, MGH SS, VIII, 18.


8       Bonizo of Sutri, ‘To a Friend’, trans. I. S. Robinson, The Papal Reform of the

Eleventh Century (Manchester, 2004), 196.


9       MGH SS, XXX, 1057.


  1. 79. the neoplatonist language that had been heard at Orléans and Monforte: Stock, Implications, 221


  1. money was now flowing in ever greater quantity: cf. Murray, Reason and Society, 63 – 7


10     Odo of Cluny, III, 9, trans. Sitwell, 80–81.


11     trans. Robinson, Papal Reform, 83.


  1. Henry, anxious to be crowned by an undisputed pope, Robinson, Papal Reform, 6


  1. The archbishop of Besançon was struck dumb: the accusations against Hugh of Langres included sodomy and genital torture :Leyser, ‘Cities of the Plain’, 197.


12     Robinson, Papal Reform, 137.


13     Enarrationes in Psalmos, X.v.


14     Bonizo of Sutri, trans. Robinson, Papal Reform, 212–14.



6: Routing out these detestable plagues


1       Life of Anselm of Lucca, MGH SS, XII, 24.


2       The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1075–1083, 2.55; trans. H. E. J. Cowdrey

(Oxford, 2002), 148–9; The ‘Epistolae Vagantes’ of Pope Gregory VII, trans. H. E.

  1. Cowdrey (Oxford, 1972), 26–7.


  1. It was capable of embracing any faction, any dispute, in any community. Conversely, as Leyser observes, ‘Cities of the Plain’ 210, ‘by the late 1070s the [mainstream] reformers had come to rest upon a third, simpler test of clerical purity [rather than either celibacy or simony]. The question they put was whether a bishop had received his insignia of office from a layperson.’ That also implied transferring authority from perceived personal integrity to institutional legitimacy. The genie was out of the bottle, however; as we shall see repeatedly, lay people and those who commanded their enthusiasm continued to place their trust in holiness manifested and acknowledged in the traditional ways.


3       MGH L de L, II, 438, quoted by Karl Leyser, ‘The Polemics of the Papal Revolution’, Medieval Germany, 138 – 60. Hearing this paper when it was first delivered as an undergraduate lecture in 1962  has shaped my perceptions of the ‘Gregorian reform’ ever since.  


  1. Wederic of Ghent: the source is the chronicle of Afflighem, six of whose founders, knights, were converted by his preaching; he is described as of noble birth, preaching throughout Flanders by apostolic licence at a time when there was discord between pope and emperor, simony was rife and priests had wives. Henrietta Leyser,

Hermits 39, 75


4       BPH, 24–5; Register, 231–4.


  1. the Cambraiers The coinage is mine, to avoid pre-empting (as Cowdrey’s ‘citizens of Cambrai’ does) the question to whom, exactly, Gregory’s Cameracenses was meant to refer. Platelle’s careful and interesting analysis of ‘le mouvement communale de Cambrai de 1077’, which was suppressed with extreme violence attributed to the long history of enmity between bishops and counts, does not see the affair of Ramihrdus as connected with it.


  1. That Ramihrdus was a layman, as seems likely: Stock, Implications 232, on the ground that the chronicle of S. André describes him as a homo, rather than by any clerical title – which also, to my mind, implies unprivileged status. The chronicle also says that Ramihrdus was required to participate in the sacrament (particeps fieri), not to celebrate it, which for a priest was the normal form of this ordeal : cf. Dominic William, below 98 – 9.


5       PL, 172, 1398–9.


6       A Monk’s Confession III, 17, trans. Paul J. Archambault (University Park, PA,

1996), 195–8. Guibert’s memoir is also translated, less accurately but with an excellent introduction and notes, by John F. Benton, in Self and Society in Medieval France (New York, 1970). Both are now superseded by McAlhany and Rubinstein, Monodies, which appeared when this book was in press.


  1. well-known heretics from the nearby village of Dormans: probatissimi, rendered as ‘established’ by Benton, ‘avowed’ by Archembault, ‘proven’ by McAlhany and Rubenstein, the last implying some formal procedure or occasion, which seems to me doubtful: if so, why were they still free? In any event the fact that they were both known and free, and that Guibert does not attribute the latter to the improper protection of John of Soissons (or anyone else), as he does in the case of Clement and Everard, is noteworthy. Did Everard’s ‘beati eritis’ refer to them?

Both McAlhany and Rubenstein suggest (private communication) that this ‘proof’ took place on the spot, not, as I had read it, on some previous occasion: an uneasy Guibert was anxious to convey that the action of the crowd constituted a procedure which ‘proved’ their guilt there and then – a suggestion, I think, reinforced by his ‘tenti sunt’, which they translate ‘arrested’ but might also mean ‘tried.’  This weakens the force of my comment (95 below) ‘that there was at least one established group of committed heretics in this area’,  but it still seems probable that the men from Dormans were already known as heretics, unless they conducted themselves with extraordinary foolhardiness,  or bravery. I thank Joseph McAlhany and Jay Rubenstein for this discussion.


  1. than their public utterances betrayed. Guibert embellished this passage with lurid accusations of sexual excess and child murder, much like those made by Paul of St. Père against the Orleans heretics (above, 21), based on the de heresibus of St Augustine, one of his favourite authors. They have been shown, however, to be a later interpolation (Mews, cited by Rubenstein Guibert, 114 -5, 254 n.19), and are not consistent with what has been taken here as his most direct recollection of the trial.


7       See below, p. 102–3 (Lambert), p. 94 (Waldensians), p. 177–8, 221–2 (Bernard Raymond).


8       Cf. pp. 177–9, 221–2 (Vézelay) below.


9       A Monk’s Confession, III, 16, trans. Archambault, 193–5.


10     A Monk’s Confession, I, 26, trans. Archambault, 89–91; Moore, ‘Guibert of Nogent’.


11     Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1941), 55.

12     Jay Rubenstein, Guibert of Nogent: Portrait of a Medieval Mind (New York,

2002), 111–24, 132–75.

13     Bernard of St Blasien (Bernard of Constance), Chronicle, trans. I. S.

Robinson, Eleventh-Century Germany (Manchester, 2008), 305–6.

14     BPH, 32–3.

15     PL, 182 col. 52.


  1. Ellenhard by name Brunn, Des contestataires, 42 – 53


16     Paul Frédéricq, Corpus documentorum inquisitionis haeretica parvitatis neerlandicae (Ghent, 1889–1906), I, 15–18; BPH, 29–31.


17     BPH, 31–2; Gregory of Tours, X, 25.


18     See p. 50.


  1. It may be that Tanchelm had been aroused to violent hostility: Tanchelm has long been the subject of extensive discussion, of which Jeffry B. Russell’s thorough survey, Dissent and Reform 56 – 68 and passim, remains a helpful account.



7: Sowers of the word


1       Venarde, Robert of Arbrissel A Medieval Religious Life (Washington, DC, 2003), 75. Venarde’s fine translations of the sources for Robert and his life, and his judicious command of the extensive and controversial modern scholarship,  render extensive footnoting of this section superfluous.


2       Venarde, 92–100.


  1. Fontevraud was the head of dozens of priories: a lapse in my proof-reading: the ‘score or so when he died in 1116’ at 108 below is correct; for a useful map Bienvenu, Robert d’Arbrissel, 109. Expansion continued after Robert’s death; by 1200 there were c. 130 Fontevriste priories.


3       Wendy Davies, Small Worlds: The Village Community in Early Medieval Brittany (London, 1988), esp. 100–102.


4       Baldri of Dol, First Life of Robert of Arbrissel, in Venarde, 1–21.


5       Geoffrey Grossus, The Life of Blessed Bernard of Tiron, trans. Ruth Harwood

Cline (Washington, DC, 2009).


  1. Vitalis, a Norman clerk of family and education: see Stephen of Fougères, Vita B. Vitalis, ed. E. P. Sauvage, Analecta Bollandiana I (1882), 357 – 90; van Moolenbroek, Vital l’ermite


including lepers: this is an early indication of segregation, and typically of such more probably an expression of charity than of social hostility, though it may have been because of social hostility that they needed the charity; it is clear that both to Robert and his critics the lepers were emblematic of the poor and the outcast. The best account, its nominal geographical restriction notwithstanding, is Rawcliffe, Leprosy in Medieval England.


6       Baldri of Dol, Chapter 15.


7       Andreas, Second Life, in Venarde, 22–67. The recently discovered portion is at

50–67. For the text and a full account of its history and rediscovery, Dalarun, L’impossible sainteté.


  1. an ancient ascetic practice known as synacteism: Constable, Reformation, 68; Elliott, Spiritual Marriage, 000 – 00


8      Gesta pontificum Cenomannensium, Bouquet, XII, 547–51; BPH, 34–8. 9     PL, 182, col. 184–6; BPH, 39–46.


  1. he had fathered at least two sons: Ott, ‘Authority, Heresy,’ (a fine study which significantly modifies my account in OED 85 – 9), 105 – 6, citing a letter of Ivo of Chartres, PL 162, col. 1079


114: In 1070 the leaders in a demand for a commune: Latouche, ‘La commune du Mans, 1070’


The churches of Le Mans: Ott, ‘Authority, Heresy,’


  1. even now his memory can scarcely be expunged: cf Ramihrdus, above 91 and Arnold of Brescia, below, 159


117: this more stringent definition of incest: Goody, Development of the Family and Marriage 134 – 46


provided an immensely powerful instrument: Moore, ‘Duby’s Eleventh Century’ (1984). This was a central preoccupation of the reformers from the outset. At the synod of Rome, 1049, Leo I not only prohibited simony but ‘put aside many incestuous marriages that had been indiscreetly contracted among kindred in many regions of the world and separated very many nobles who were joined together in such vile unions.’(Life, ii. 10, trans. Robinson 137). Robinson notes a similar canon at Reims, and gives several other references, commenting ‘this theme recurred in the legislation of the reform papacy.’


9       PL, 182, col. 184–6; BPH, 39–46.


  1. an important church council at Pisa: in whose arrangement Bernard played a large part. Somerville, ‘The Council of Pisa’


who had once been a Black Monk Vita Prima vii. 17, 26, PL 185 col. 427


119: see note 10 below: should read ‘see note 11 below’


122: those who had stayed to listen could not hear him. The fullest version of this story is that of William of Puylaurens I, 26 – 9; cf. Kienzle, Cistercians, 98 – 9


10     Tractatus contra Petrobrusianos, ed. James V. Fearns, Corpus christianorum

continuatio medievalis, X (Turnhout, 1968); BPH, 60–62.


11     Against Henry has been identified, edited and translated into French by

Monique Zerner: Guillaume monachi contre Henri schismatique et hérétique (Sources Chrétiennes 241, Paris, 2011 – too late to be taken fully into account here). Zerner has identified William of Arles as the author. Her work supersedes my translation in BPH, 46–60, of a later, elaborated version of the debate, also edited and translated by Zerner in this volume, on which my account of Henry’s views in The Origins of European Dissent, 91–101, was based. I am more than grateful to Monique Zerner for her great generosity in sharing this extremely important discovery, and her principal conclusions about it, in advance of its publication.


123 both claiming to stand for reform: See Mundy, Liberty, 14 – 16,   Cowdrey Cluniacs, 113 – 8.


  1. Reform came very late: Magnou-Nortier, La société laique, pp. 423 ff. Bourin-Derruau, Villages, 284 – 300; Cheyette, Ermengarde 114 – 23; Taylor, Heresy, 52 – 4.



8: Sheep in the midst of wolves


1       MGH SS, XII, 673.


2       For what follows, Uwe Brunn, Des contestataires aux ‘Cathares’ (Études

augustiniennes, Paris, 2006), 80 ff. My treatment in this chapter and the remainder of the book of everything that happened in the Rhineland region, and hence of a crucial part of my argument, is heavily indebted to this work.


  1. Norbert enjoined his followers: Colvin, White Canons 7 and n. 3. My description of Norbert and the origins of his order, 127 – 9, is largely based on Colvin’s first chapter; on this tension within the order see also Constable, Monastic Tithes, 154 – 60 and Reformation 233 – 5.


  1. Most of the nunneries formed by this separation soon disappeared: Venarde, Women’s Monasticism, 164 – 5, and on the general reaction against mixed communities Constable, Reformation, 69 – 74. Despite the dates of her title Wolbrink, ‘Women’ has nothing to say of the early period beyond a passing reference to the “alleged” decree of separation of 1138 – 40, but in any event her general thesis that women who accepted the directives of their superiors within the order were not treated badly says nothing about those with whom we are concerned here and hereafter, who did not.


131 a distinctive family structure: Simon, Cities of Ladies, 7 – 12Compare my analysis of the institution  of the good women of the Languedoc, below 257 – 8.  It might certainly be argued that the contrast has more to do with social class or occupational patterns and with the extent of urbanisation than with a simple north/south polarisation (which is not suggested either by Simon or by me), and any such model must allow for great regional contrasts within it: see, e.g., Fossier’s sketch in Burguière etc., History of the Family.  Nonetheless it is my impression, albeit a tentative one containing a certain element of circularity, that the patterns of dissent described in this book are consistent with a substantially greater degree of independence among women in northern than in Mediterranean Europe.


131 property transactions, especially from Cologne, Huffmann, Family, Commerce, 68 – 70


131 The wealthy dioceses of Liège and Cologne: Brunn, 108 – 12


133 – 4. Cologne was growing fast: Haverkamp, Germany, 172 – 3, 182 – 5 – but it is also relevant that the 1140s, here as elsewhere, was a decade of severe famines, ibid. 174 – 5.


  1. mediators between the living and the dead, and controllers of memory: cf. Lauwers, La mémoires des ancêtres, 205 – 25; Geary, Phantoms, 51 73.


The bones uncovered in vast quantities: Brunn, 230 – 36.


3          PL, 182, col. 76–80; BPH, 76–8. On the date and background of the letter Brunn, 142 – 50.


4       Walter Map, De nugis curialium: Courtiers’ Trifles, i. 20; ed. M. R. James, C. N. L. Brooke and R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford, 1983), 118–21; see below, 173–5.


5       MGH SS, XVI, 711. This burning is also noted, with no other information, in

the slightly earlier Annals of Aachen.


138 a group of monks in Constantinople: Obolensky, Bogomils 219 – 223; his cautious appendix ‘Bogomils, Cathars and Patarenes’, 286 – 9, illustrates nicely, from the Byzantine side, how scholars of eastern and western Christianity built upon one anothers’ speculations to create and sustain the legend of international dualism which by the late twentieth century  had become an orthodoxy.  cf. Angold, Church and Society, 490 – 1


138 His report permits a different conclusion, Jimenez, ‘Aux commencements du catharisme’ made a strong case that both groups described by Eberwin are best understood as apostolically inspired, and that Eberwin’s assertions of the Balkan origin of the first should be taken not as historical, but as part of the process of diabolisation of apostolics to which he was an early contributor, but did not make the connection with the divisions among the Premonstratensians proposed by Brunn and accepted here.


139 That is at least a common reason: and to me at least seems obvious, not to say inescapable, once considered – but it had not occurred to me until I was writing these pages, nor am I aware, unlikely though it seems to have been overlooked, that it has been suggested by anyone else.


6       Annales Brunwilarensis, MGH SS, XVI, 727.


  1. one crucial issue faced them all : see further Moore, ‘Heresy, Repression and Social Change’ and idem. ‘Heresy and Literacy’



9: Making enemies


1       The Chronicle of Morigny, quoted by Colin Morris, The Papal Monarchy (Oxford, 1989), 187.


145: the Council of Reims in 1148 dealt with at least four cases of heresy: the cases of Eudo de stella and Gilbert de la Porrée discussed at length below, the accusation of simony against Archbishop Arnold of Cologne, and the ‘heresiarchs of Gascony and Provence’ condemned in canon 18, to which may be added the condemnation of Arnold of Brescia in its immediate aftermath.


  1. mounting anxiety about a trickle of heresy growing since early in the century: for much of what follows Moore, “The War against heresy


2          Sermon 14, in The Life, Letters and Sermons of Bishop Herbert de Losinga, ed. E. M. Goulburn and H. Symonds (2 vols., Oxford, 1878), ii. 418, which I have not seen, quoted by Morris, 339.


  1. J. Rubenstein, Guibert of Nogent: Portrait of a Medieval Mind (New York and

London, 2002), 30.


  1. Alphonse Jordan of Toulouse did not lack rivals: Biget, Hérésie, 149 – 52; Cheyette, Ermengard, 17 – 18


  1. citizens of Toulouse, who were asserting the city’s independence: Mundy, Liberty and Political Power, 30 – 40, 46 – 7. Mundy himself was, however, extremely cautious about asserting links between heresy and political conflict.


4       Introductio ad theologiam, PL, 178, col. 1056.


  1. heresy does not figure prominently in his writings: Leclerq, ‘L’hérésie d’après les ècrits de St. Bernard’


5       Dominique Iogna Prat, Order and Exclusion: Cluny and Christendom Face

Heresy, Judaism and Islam (1000–1150) (Ithaca, NY, 1998), to which the argument of this chapter is heavily indebted.


  1. the first translation of the Koran into Latin: Kritzek, Peter the Venerable and Islam


  1. the teaching of Anselm of Laon: and demonisation of Jews in Peter’s generation, Moore, ‘Anti-Semitism and the Birth of Europe’


  1. sustained by continual struggle: on Peter the Venerable’s doubts cf. Langmuir, Antisemitism, 197 – 208


  1. attended according to one estimate by 1,100: Continuation of Sigebert of Gembloux, MGH SS 6, 390


6      John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis, iii, ed. and trans. Marjorie Chibnall

(London, 1956), 8–9. I owe to Maureen Miller the observation that since Rainald’s objection was to the prohibition of furs (usus variarum pellium), not of multi-coloured cloaks as rendered by Chibnall, we may reasonably regard it, from a northern European perspective, as a defence of utility rather than of luxury.


  1. Abelard also said, citing other distinguished masters: actually he didn’t, he cited the opinion of ‘two brothers who are numbered among the highest masters’, and who have been identified by Chenu as Bernard and Thierry of Chartres, that ‘even a woman or someone of whatever order or condition is able through the words of the Lord to confect the sacrament of the alter.’ John Beleth also held this view, in the 1160s. (Macy, Hidden History 42 – 3). I apologise to my readers, and to Macy who kindly points it out (private communication).


7       Gary Macy, The Hidden History of Women’s Ordination: Female Clergy in the

Medieval West (Oxford, 2008), Chapter 1.

For Chapter 1 read Chapter 4, 125


8       MGH SS, VI, 389–90; William of Newburgh, ed. Howlett, 60–64; BPH, 62–5.


  1. several contemporary though fragmentary reports: listed by Russell, Dissent and Reform, 288. William of Newburgh’s report, so long after the event, must obviously be regarded with scepticism, but the earlier ones do generally agree on Eon’s claim in some way to divinity.


  1. Gilbert de la Porée: John of Salisbury, ed. Chibnall, 15 – 27


  1. it broke with precedent in neither naming them: Iogna-Prat, Order and Exclusion 128


9       John of Salisbury, ed. Chibnall, 59–66; see also Bernard of Clairvaux, Letters,

trans. Bruno Scott James (London, 1953), 329–32, and BPH, 66–71.


10     Bonizo of Sutri, trans. Robinson, Papal Reform 205.


11     Arsenio Frugoni, Arnaud de Brescia (Paris, 1993), 10–11.


  1. a papal mission to Bohemia in 1143: Wolverton, Hastening towards Prague, 125 – 6


a republican government which had taken control of the city: for a convenient narrative of these events Partner, Lands of St Peter, 159 – 202


he regarded Arnold as his greatest enemy in the city: Robinson, Papacy, 14.


12     Otto of Morena, Historia (1153–61); MGH SRG, VII, 73.


  1. he was not a political agitator: Frugoni, 28 – 9, 66 – 7


13     Walter Map, i. 24, ed. James, Brooke and Mynors, 80–83; the Lombard

anonymous, trans. T. Carson as Barbarossa in Italy (New York, 1994), p. 30.


  1. Arnold was not a heretic: Only Otto of Freising (below) hints at it; presumably if he had been able to make it stick he would have done.


  1. a letter to Frederick Barbarossa: the ‘Wezel’ letter, so called because its author assumes that name, often taken to be either a pseudonym of Arnold or, more probably, of one of his followers from Zurich: BPH 68 – 71, Frugoni 66 – 7.


14     Otto of Freising, The Deeds of Frederick Barbarossa, trans. C. C. Mierow (New York, 1966), 143–4; Peter Abelard’s ‘Ethics’, ed. D. E. Luscombe (Oxford, 1971), 127.



10: Exposed to contumely and persecution


1       E. Martène and U. Durand, Amplissima collectio (Paris, 1724–33), 1252–70.


  1. a keen appreciation of the value of relics: his eventual arrival at Cologne was accompanied with great fanfare by the relics of the Three Kings looted from Milan (Munz, Frederick Barbarossa, 238 – 9), intended, Bernard Hamilton,’Prester John and the Three Kings of Cologne,’ suggests, to elevate not so much the city itself as its position as a centre of the imperial cult, to which end Rainald also fostered the legend of Prester John.


St Ursula and the eleven thousand virgins: Huffmann, Family, Commerce, 207 –  9


2       MGH SS, XIII, 286–7.


  1. Eckbert, of the Benedictine abbey of Schönau: for a detailed and comprehensive examination of Eckbert and his writings (including his and his sister’s relationship with Hildegard of Bingen, which I have not touched on) Brunn, 197 – 364. Bernard Hamilton is preparing an edition and translation of the sermons.


Elizabeth herself was deeply uncomfortable about them: Clarke, ‘Elisabeth and Eckbert’, 161


3       PL 195, col. 11–102; BPH, 88–94.


4       Hilbert Chiu, ‘The Intellectual origins of Medieval Dualism’, M.Phil. diss.,

University of Sydney, 2009. A brief summary introduces Chiu, ‘Alan of Lille’s Academic Concept of the Manichee’ at 492 – 3


  1. pegs for Eckbert to set out his own theological positions: similarly for Brunn (363 – 4) the Liber was largely designed to defend the doctrines of salvation by works, which for Eckbert was an essential foundation of Christian society, and clerical mediation, which it was the common tendency of the various groups that he blended in to his ‘Cathars’ to repudiate. By the same token, unlike Mayr-Harting ‘The Idea of the Assumption of Mary’, I would understand Eckbert’s insistence on the ‘Cathars” denial of the incarnation, and hence the real motherhood of Mary, as an opportunity to press his propagation of the cult, rather than vice versa.


  1. Eckbert…went further than any of his predecessors in using Augustine: Harrison, ‘Eckbert’ opposed the view, of Grundmann, Morghen and many others including myself (OED 176 – 9), since magisterially confirmed by the work of Brunn and of Chiu, that, in varying degrees, this effectively undermined his account of the ‘Cathars’.


  1. remaining fragments of the apostolic movement: among which I would not seek to include Jonas of Cambrai (OED 175), since the arguments (Brunn 366 – 72) against the authenticity of the charters in which he appears are conclusive, despite the attempt of Marc Suttor (‘Le Triumphus’) to place him at the centre of a widespread ‘Cathar’movement in the Low Countries in the 1150s.


5       Mansi, XXI, col. 843.


6      Ralph of Coggeshall, Chronicon Anglicanum, 121–5; BPH, 86–8.


  1. other even vaguer references: often mentioned is the story from one of the many continuations of Sigebert of Gembloux, of how in 1183 Count Philip and Archbishop William presided over a trial of heretics there denounced by ‘a certain woman’; interestingly a number of them were acquitted by ordeal, to the satisfaction of the chronicler. ‘Some give the[se heretics] the name of Manichaeans, others Catafrigians, others Arians, but Pope Alexander calls them Patarenes.’ PL 160, col. 320; cf. Brunn, Des contestataires, 330


7       Ann. Coloniensis maximi, MGH SS, XVII, 778, 784–5; Mansi, XXI, col.



  1. In 1163 Count Philip granted them a new code of laws: Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, 111, 121 – 2


8       Bouquet, XV, 790, 792, 799; BPH, 80–82.


  1. a cardinal and papal legate: Peter of S. Crysogono, according to Henri de Marcy: Congar, ‘Henri de Marcy’ 15.


9       Bouquet, XII, 343–4; BPH, 85–6. Hugh of Poitiers, The Vézelay Chronicle,

trans. John Scott and John O. Ward (Binghamton, 1992).


  1. as though the story had been tacked on as an afterthought: that at any rate is how it has been treated by everybody who has written about it, myself included (OED 183, where like my predecessors I was content to indulge in speculation about the possible meaning of the term populicani); I cannot recall ever having seen the rest of Hugh’s chronicle or the events it describes mentioned in discussion of this episode. It is a salutary example of the consequences of essentialism – that is, of reading references like this as relating solely to an abstraction named ‘heresy’ rather than as part of a sequence of historical events.


10     Frédéricq, Corpus II; ccci, 101–11. Cf. Simon, Cities of Ladies, 24–34; Lauwers, La mémoire, 239 – 47


  1. The issue was not quite so simple: Lauwers, La mémoire, 245 – 6


a personal following of sectatores: Simon, Cities of Ladies, 27 – 8


11     The Letters and Charters of Gilbert Foliot, ed. A. Morey and C. N. L. Brooke

(Cambridge, 1967), 207–10.


  1. heresy among the laity for the first time: Morey and Brooke, Gilbert Foliot and his Letters, 241 – 3; they also remark that Gilbert was a protégé of Peter the Venerable.


12     The Life of Ailred of Rievaulx by Walter Daniel, ed. F. M. Powicke (London,

1950), ci–cii. Ailred’s remarks show no trace of the invective characteristic of Cistercian comments on heresy, or of the stereotype that the Cistercians would later develop.


13     William of Newburgh, ed. Howlett, 131–4; William Stubbs, Select Charters, 9th

edn (Oxford, 1913), 173; BPH, 88–94.


  1. a careful and well-informed chronicler: Gillingham, ‘Two Yorkshire Historians’; ‘The Historian as Judge’


14     Walter Map, ed. James, Brooke and Mynors, 118–21.



11: Sounding the alarm


1       William of Newburgh, II, 15, ed. Howlett, 136.


  1. Since Bernard’s mission in 1145. Taylor, ‘Authority and the Cathar Heresy’ 149, Heresy 170. Taylor is more inclined than I am to suspect connections between (1) these two incidents, (2) the complaint of Abbot Hervé of Déols (d. c. 1150) about “heretics” who opposed marriage and meat-eating, and whom he called “Agimnenses” and Manichees, (PL 181 col. 1426 – 7) and (3) the dubious claim that Robert of Arbrissel preached against heresy in Agen near the end of his life. If we are to make even a half-brick of these insubstantial straws it is an increasing tendency of frustrated authority-figures to use the language of heresy (Moore, ‘Afterthoughts’, 322)


  1. In 1159 he … set out to seize Toulouse: Warren, Henry II , 82 – 108; Barlow, Thomas Becket, 84 – 6


186 – 7: ‘the forty-year war against Toulouse’: Gillingham, Angevin Empire, 29 – 30. It is noticeable, though one could hardly call it evidence, that William of Newburgh makes no mention of heresy in his account of this expedition and its aftermath (II. x – xi), immediately before his description of the trial of the ‘Publicani’ at Oxford, though he does remark that the heresy of the latter ‘owed their origin to an unknown founder in Gascony.’


187: The council at Tours: Somerville, Council of Tours


2       Mansi, XXII, 157–68; BPH, 94–8.


  1. 1 Meetings such as this: Jiménez Sánchez, ‘Les actes de Lombers’


centralisation of secular justice: far too large a subject for any kind of systematic reference, but for my own views see further Moore, Formation 117 – 42 and First European Revolution, 16 – 73, for a fine introduction to what has been since the 1970s the area of some of the most far-reaching revisions in medieval European history, Brown and Górecki, Conflict in Medieval Europe, and for a major synthesis in which these issues are at the forefront, Bisson, Crisis of the Twelfth Century.


  1. ‘reform’ had come, or was coming, very recently: above, 126 and n.


  1. the unprecedented step of electing its governing council: Mundy, Liberty, 53 – 8. Mundy did not connect these developments with the 1178 mission.


3       Gervase of Canterbury, Opera historica, ed. W. Stubbs, RS (London, 1879),



4      Frederick L. Cheyette, Ermengard of Narbonne and the World of the Troubadours (Ithaca, Ny, 2001), 288.


5       PL, 199, col. 1119–24; PL, 204, col. 235–40; BPH, 113–22.


6       Assize of Clarendon 21, David C. Douglas and G. W. Greenaway, English

Historical Documents II, 1042–1189 (London, 1953), 410.


  1. Maurand was the head of a leading family: Mundy, ‘Les Maurand’; Repression, 229 – 41


the practice of divination… was routinely denounced: Gratian, Decretum C. 26 q. 2 c.1


7       J. H. Mundy, The Repression of Catharism at Toulouse: The Royal Diploma of

1279 (Toronto, 1985), 239.


  1. a dispute about the temporal revenues of his see: the suggestion of Cheyette, Ermengard, 316


the Trencavels were identified as the patrons par excellence of heresy: a judgement significantly qualified by Graham-Leigh, especially in Ch. 4, ‘The Wrong side of the Patronage War’, 58 – 9. Congar, ‘Henri de Marci’ 22, also notes that Roger was a patron of the church.


  1. Templars, and Hospitallers can be saved: in 1143 Archbishop Arnold of Narbonne had granted the Templars a sestier of grain for every plough in the province, making them ‘truly a territorial power, the image of things to come.’ Cheyette, Ermengard, 120


198.That acceptance, however, has owed a great deal to hindsight: a spectacular example is that Mundy, Repression 229, doubted whether Peter Maurand was ever a consul on the ground that the duties of public office would have been inconsistent with the religious views attributed to him, on the conventional reading, by Henry de Marci – who describes him as one! But if his beliefs were not a bar his conviction probably was, so Mundy was probably right that the Pierre Maurand listed as consul between 1185 and 1215 was his son.


  1. services and disciplines of the church… to be enforced. Magnou-Nortier, La société laique et l’église, 423 ff.


Roger of Howden, our fullest and best-informed source: i, 7; 194


  1. a distinguished scholar, ably reinforced by another: Dondaine, ‘Les actes’ and Hamilton, ‘The Cathar Council’ – but see below 329 and Zerner, L’histoire


the oath he took (which has been discovered and identified): by Mundy, ‘Les Maurand’, 1222 – 3. Mundy’s suggestion that Maurand was not required to abjure dualism because those who examined him could not contrive an appropriate oath (ibid. 1214: the one used was based on that which had been required of Berengar of Tours) is superficially plausible but self-defeating. The legate’s party contained several skilled draftsmen at least as capable of it as Raymond de Baimac and Bernard Raymond, who produced just such an oath, sincerely or not, a few days later. It is striking that Mundy’s indifference to theology (which I share to the full) should have made so accomplished and naturally sceptical an historian so ready to accept traditional assertions about ‘the Cathars’ at face value: cf. 334 below.


  1. boni homines (bons oms, good men): Wickham, Framing. 567 – 9. Bourin-Derruau, Villages médiévaux), i, 311 – 26; Mundy, Society and Government, 61 – 5


Roger of Howden, within a few pages: Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi i, 7; 194. Hallam, ‘Henry II and the Order of Grandmont’.


  1. perhaps canons of St Sernin: I owe this suggestion to Mark Pegg (private communication)




12: Drawing the lines


205: the urgency of action against it: Diehl,  “Overcoming Reluctance”, 50 – 2


1       H&A, 168–70.


2       H&A, 170–73. Friedberg, ed., Corpus Iuris Canonici I, cols 780 – 2.


  1. inquisition was now to be regularly and universally employed: Maisonneuve, 126 – 7, thought that inquisition was implied by the provision of the Council of Tours (1163). He may have been right – and if so the procedural inventiveness of the 1178 mission to Toulouse and with it the responsibility of the Angevin curia were less striking than I suggest – but it does not actually say so and it is not clear to me that inquisition was in fact used by bishops in the subsequent cases in the 1160s and ‘70s discussed in chapters 10 and 11. On the other hand, if Maisonneuve was right it may be worth remarking that the procedure was ordained by a Council in which Henry II, and therefore his officials, were keenly interested, so short a time before the technique began to be used in English local administration.


  1. Philip of Heinsberg: Brunn, Des contesttaires, 337


drawn together into one menacing spectre: the quality of the Council’s analysis is well reflected by Walter Map, certainly one of the clearer heads present,  de nugis i. 29 – 30 (pp. 119 – 25), who described the mercenaries as a heretical sect, and lumped together as ‘Publicani vel Patarini’ what sound like apostolic communities –  ‘Men and women live together, but no sons or daughters issue from the union’ –  ‘wandering among Christians everywhere,’ recognising the houses of the co-religionists by the smoke, denying the gospel of John and the real presence.


3       Lester K. Little, Liberty, Charity, Fraternity: Lay Religious Fraternities in the Age of the Commune (Bergamo, 1988) 20, 33–4; Frugoni, Arnaud de Brescia, 10–11.


  1. the word ‘Patarene’ had retained its ambivalent association with insistence on apostolic purity: cf Zanella, Itinerari ereticali, who doubts whether the equation was general much before the middle of the thirteenth century



4       Hugh Eteriano, Contra Patarenos, ed. Bernard,  Janet and Sarah Hamilton

(Leiden, 2004). The treatise was addressed to the emperor Manuel Comnenus, who died in 1180; the Hamiltons think that ‘a date in the mid to late 1170s is the most probable, but there can be no certainty.’ (127) Bernard Hamilton’s introduction to this work (1 – 102) makes the strongest possible case for direct links between dualist (or allegedly dualist) heresy in eastern and western Christendom in the twelfth century. It would, however, have been a great deal stronger if he had succeeded in substantiating the assertion, on the basis of Lateran III, that ‘the name Patarenes came to mean Cathars after 1179’ (9) upon which his argument largely depends. I trust that this and the next two chapters will show that this was not the case, at least for another twenty years.


  1. Hugo Speroni: Ilarino da Milano, L’eresia di Ugo Speroni.


public controversy, Ilarino 74 – 5.  Speroni was an important figure in Piacenza, and had a history of difference with the church.  He was one of a group which established a ferry, and then a bridge across the Po, infringing the monopoly of crossing rights claimed by the monastery of San Giulia which appealed to the pope; Eugenius III threatened interdict in 1149.  Speroni, like his father an imperial judge, journeyed to Ulm to secure the Emperor’s support, but when Frederick reached his accord with the papacy in 1159  he confirmed the monastery’s rights and the commune was compelled to settle; it took advantage of the new schism in 1169 to  throw a second bridge across the river in defiance of the abbey’s claims: Racine, Piacenza, I, 236 ff. I greatly regret that I did not consult Racine in time to describe these events in my main text: they are not only colourful in themselves but strikingly underline the courtesy with which Vacarius, who can hardly have been entirely unaware of all this, addressed Speroni. They also offer a perfect example, at a period obscure but crucial for my argument – and closely coinciding with those of Miller cited below – of the sources of growing tension between church, commune and community, and of the use of spiritual sanctions, including at least implicitly the accusation of heresy, to protect ecclesiastical property claims. Racine describes Speroni, unsurprisingly, as the leader within the commune of those who favoured making peace with Barbarossa, and – at first sight unexpectedly – as the spokesman of lords of the contado, losing influence in relation to the merchants, who remained intransigeant ( 407). It is a reminder that heresy, or incipient heresy, was not always for the winners.  Racine, however, defending his thesis in 1977, naturally relied for the religious divisions in Piacenza of this period and later on the traditional accounts of Borst and Manselli: the matter might be well worth revisiting.


5       Chron. Universali anonymi Laudunensis, MGH SS, XXVI, 449.


6       Frances Andrews, The Early Humiliati (Cambridge, 1999).


  1. The absence of heresy accusations: Miller, Bishop’s Palace 157 – 69 points to a group of Lombard bishops who were martyred, or at least considerably distressed, in defence of their property against ‘heretics’ in the decades before Lateran III – though for the most part, significantly, written up after it.  In the process they acted or were represented as acting as peacemakers and protectors of the poor. Something similar seems to lie behind the cult of San Ranieri in Pisa in the same years : Morris, ‘San Rainieri.’


  1. entanglement with political conflict at every level: Maisonneuve, 155


7       Maureen C. Miller, The Formation of a Medieval Church: Ecclesiastical Change in Verona, 950–1150 (Ithaca, Ny, 1993), especially 117–41; Maureen C. Miller, The Bishop’s Palace: Architecture and Authority in Medieval Italy (Ithaca, Ny, 2000), 157–69.



13: Speaking of principles


  1. the nightmare that he had inherited from Bernard: on Henry and the development of Cistercian anti-heretical invective Kienzle, Cistercians, 109 – 34


1          H&A, 168–70. For Brabanters, Aragonese see Contamine, War in the Middle Ages, 243 – 4


2       Letters 73, 75, PL, 211, 371 –2, 375, quoted by Cheyette, Ermengard, 279.


  1. canons respectively of St Etienne and St Sernin: Les débuts, 128 – 32


Henri de Marci in a letter now lost: The letter in which Henri de Marci reported these statements does not survive, but is quoted directly (Haec sunt amodo verba cardinalis et legati) by Geoffrey of Vigeois, who died in 1184, and was clearly used c. 1188 by Henri’s old Cistercian companion, Geoffrey of Auxerre, in a commentary on the Apocalypse: see esp. Thouzellier, Catharisme et Valdéisme, 39 – 40;  Congar, Henri de Marci, 36 – 8.


  1. the first to describe the heretics as Albigensians: Biget, Hérésie, 149 – 54; Thouzellier, Hérésie, 223 – 62


  1. Bouquet, XII, 447f.; Jean Leclerq, ‘La témoinage de Geoffroy d’Auxerre sur la vie cistercienne’, Studia Anselmiana (1953), 196–7.


  1. embellished by the routine monastic invective: Kienzle, loc. cit.


4       De fide catholica contra haereticos, PL, 210, 366A.


  1. neither the first nor the last converts to do so: cf Tolan, Petrus Alfonsi, especially at 19 – 27


William VIII of Montpellier: Biget, Hérésie, 101 – 2; Cheyette, Ermengard 352 – 3, with the comment that the anti-heretical polemics produced under William’s patronage were ‘bookish productions, without the slightest sign that the author had ever encountered a breathing, believing Cathar’


  1. Alan of Lille’s treatise: Chiu, ‘Alan of Lille’s Academic Concept.’


  1. the Cistercians and the schools: Noell, ‘Scholarship and Activism’


  1. Walter Map, ed. James, Brooke and Mynors, 124–7. Peters, Magician, Witch, 50 – 2


  1. Writing forty years later, another chronicler: G. Waitx ed., Chron. Anonymi Laudunensis, MGH SS xxvi 447 – 9, BPH 111 – 3


  1. For the thirteenth-century version, Jacobus de Voragine, Golden Legend, I, 371–4.


  1. Scrutiny of the strictly contemporary circumstances: Rubellin, ‘Au temps où Valdès n’était pas hérétique’ and ‘Guichard de Pontigny et Valdès’


  1. Stephen of Bourbon, W&E, 209.


  1. a young scribe named Bernard Ydros: Patchovsky, ‘The literacy of the Waldensians’ 113 – 7, including a plate of the will of Stephen of Anse, in which he bequeathed a bake-house that had belonged to Valdès, ‘presumably his payment for the translating.’


  1. Cheyette, Ermengard, 319–20, and for a fine general discussion of the problems of the region’s bishops 103 – 32.


  1. W&E, 278–89


  1. Euan Cameron, Waldenses: Rejections of Holy Church in Medieval Europe (Oxford, 2000), 36–48. Cameron, like Merlo, Valdesi e valdismi, is sceptical of the traditional assumption of a single and continuous Waldensian movement from the twelfth century represented (for example) by Audisio, Waldensian Dissent. The difference is in many way analogous to that between traditional accounts of medieval dualism and the approach adopted in this volume, and for similar reasons. Conversely, therefore, some may wonder whether Peter Biller’s methodological and conceptual resistance to the ‘scepticism about the identity, continuity and coherence of [early] Waldensianism’ of Cameron and Merlo, and his question whether ‘deconstruction has gone too far’ are applicable, mutatis mutandis, to my conclusions here. (‘Goodbye to Waldensianism’, 3, 17). Biller hints, p. 29, that he regards the case of Catharism as analogous. His argument is essentially a defence of the validity of working backwards from Waldensian history in the later middle ages to demonstrate roots in a single, coherent movement in the decades around 1200. However that may be, I am not persuaded that there is in this respect an analogy between Waldenses and ‘Cathars’ in respect either of the quantity or quality of the evidence for the period after 1250 for the existence of a Cathar hierarchy (though there is some) or the construction of preconceptions before it, but the issues are both complex and interesting. I should add that I have not indulged in what would doubtless be the salutary exercise of reviewing my style in the light of Biller’s shrewd, and amusing analysis (13 – 17) of the scholarly rhetoric in which these matters are discussed.


  1. the new forms of power: the classical locations for the beginning of this discussion are Clanchy, Memory to Written Record and Murray, Reason and Society; see further Moore, First European Revolution, 126 – 46.



14: The enemy at the gate:


  1. PL, 215, col. 654–7.


  1. Quoted in R. H. C. Davis, Medieval Europe from Constantine to St. Louis, 3rd edn (London, 2006), 379; and Morris, Papal Monarchy, 427.


  1. Acta Sanctorum May V, 86–9; BPH, 127–32. On Master John as its author, Foote, Lordship, Reform 193 – 4


  1. Quoted by David Foote, Lordship, Reform and the Development of Civil Society in Medieval Italy: The Bishopric of Orvieto, 1100–1250 (Notre Dame, IN, 2004), 116–7.


  1. The cathedral was still dilapidated: Lansing, Power and Purity, 28


Count Bulgarello of Parrano: Foote,  Lordship, Reform, 121


  1. The contest broke into the open: the list is from Martines, Power and Imagination, 49


5.Registrum Inn. III, I. 298, PL  214,  col. 256


  1. (ban) Kulin of Bosnia: Moore, 48, 73 – 5, following Fine, Later Medieval Balkans, 17 – 48, who unlike earlier scholars asserts Kulin’s orthodoxy.


a group of laymen and women from La Charité-sur-Loire: Reg I. 298, PL  214 col 988 says nothing of the content of the heresy of which they were suspected, and of which (it is implied) the town had a history.  It should probably be considered in conjuction with the reports of Robert of Auxerre that s.a. 1198 the ‘heresy of the populicani’ was spreading in the Nivernois, leading to a burning at Corbigny and the suspension of a deacon at Nevers, where in 1201 a knight was accused of ‘heresis illius qualm Bulgarorum vocant’ and burned,  followed in 1207 by several more. (MGH SS xxvi, 258, 260, 270) This is the first use of the term Bulgari in relation to heresy. The accused have, of course, been hailed as ‘Cathars,’ but while Lambert is confident in doing so his characteristically careful discussion (Cathars, 88 – 9) also points to a number of incidents in the region which suggest conflicts of the kind in which heresy accusations were readily launched and, as at Vézelay in 1167, as readily over-interpreted if taken out of context.  I ought to have considered  these cases more carefully, and will hope to find an opportunity to do so.


  1. PL, 215, col. 1147; 214, col. 904.


  1. another huge step: see the comments of Diehl, ‘Overcoming Reluctance’, 53 – 4


  1. George W. Dameron, Episcopal Power and Florentine Society, 1000–1320 (Cambridge, MA, 1991) 118–20.



15: To war and arms


I make no attempt to reference generally the narrative of the preliminaries to the Albigensian crusade and the crusade itself, well known and readily accessible in numerous accounts from which mine is distilled with no claim to originality.


  1. an ecclesiastical purge: Biget, Hérésie, 103 – 4, 166 – 7


  1. there is nothing to show that he enforced it: cf. Peters, Inquisition 76; Bisson, Crown of Aragon, 39.


He sought to enhance his position in the region by marrying Maria: p. 219 above. Bisson implicitly portrays the king rather than the pope as the architect of the deal: the advantage was mutual.


  1. Hypocrisy apart: Innocent had also offered crusading privileges to any who would oppose Markward of Anweiler’s invasion of Sicily in November 1199, though it is not generally thought that the expedition he organised under Walter of Brienne quite amounted to ‘a political crusade’: for a good discussion Abulafia, Frederick II ,  94 – 102.


  1. employing Jews: the routine prohibition on the employment of Jews does not constitute evidence that they were in fact so employed. The Jews of Toulouse on the eve of the crusade were well-established and  prosperous and exercised a measure of self-government. They were, as usual, the dependents of the count,  and frequently appear as witnesses to his charters; although there is no other evidence of it Mundy thought that ‘the Jews surely provided the count with administrative and fiscal services.’ (Society and Community, 59 – 60, 79 – 81).


  1. Registrum Inn. III, X.149 (27 November 1207), PL 215, cols. 1246–1248.


2, The Song of the Cathar Wars, trans. Janet Shirley (Aldershot 1996), 18.


  1. Mark Pegg, A Most Holy War (New York, 2008), 65.


  1. A literal translation of the words attributed to him by Caesarius of Heisterbach, Dialogue on Miracles, V. xxi, often rendered as ‘Kill them all’: cf. Malcolm Barber, The Cathars: Dualist Heretics in the Languedoc in the High Middle Ages (London, 2000), 211–12, n. 20.


5       Song of the Cathar Wars, 21–2; Peter of Les Vaux de Cernay, The History of the Albigensian Crusade, trans. W. A. and M. D. Sibley (Woodbridge, 1998), 117.


  1. neglected to offset this reputation by building strong links of patronage: Graham-Leigh, Southern French Nobility, 58 – 89


Simon was left with perhaps thirty knights: I take these figures from Sumption,  Albigensian Crusade 104


  1. Above all, it is founded on the facts. That is not, of course, to insist on the literal, or numerical, accuracy of contemporary accounts of these events. Marvin, ‘The massacre at Béziers,’ for example, offers a case for doubting their military plausibility and technological feasibility. The historical importance of the massacre, and of other such occasions, however, including their immediate impact, depends less on what actually happened than on what was thought to have happened; since horror and terror are relative they are best measured by the scale of reported perception.


6       Song of the Cathar Wars, 41, 48; Peter of Les Vaux de Cernay, 119–20.


  1. In describing these holocausts: on Peter’s attitudes to these matters see also Cassidy-Welch, ‘Images of Blood’, Graham-Leigh, ‘Justifying Death’


cum ingenti gaudio: 1 Chron 29, 14; see also ib. 29,9 and 22. It is used by Peter of les Vaux-de-Cernay of the burnings of good men at Lavaur and Cassès, 117, 120, PL 213 cols. 609, 611, and of seven Waldensians at Morlhon in 1214, p. 231, PL 213 col. 638. A similar phrase was used by the Cistercian Alberic of Trois-Fontaines of the mass burning at Mont-Aimé in 1239: maxmimum holocaustum et placabile domino;

Chronica, 944


7       Peter of Les Vaux de Cernay, 83–5.


8      Song of the Cathar Wars, 33.


  1. * The slaughter of some 150 Jews at York: Dobson, ‘The Jews of Medieval York’


9      Peter of Les Vaux de Cernay, 106.


10     Peter of Les Vaux de Cernay, 10–14.


  1. Mark Pegg, The Corruption of Angels: The Great Inquisition of 1245–46 (Princeton, NJ, 2001), 83–91.


  1. Pegg, Holy War, 34–40, Corruption, 118 – 20 and 196, n. 25, emphasising that the houses of good women were not analogs of Catholic convents, as is often assumed.


  1. strict control over young women: a classic and richly varied and discussed observation of social anthropology, in respect of which I am especially indebted to Mary Douglas, The Lele of the Kasai and Purity and Danger. For more on the deployment of insights from anthropology in reading these sources, Pegg, Historians and Inquisitors’, with comment on the good women at 109 – 11


Montréal and Mirepoix each had thirty-six: Belperron, 47


  1. any special religious significance: Wakefield, in an admirably trenchant discussion, Heresy, Crusade 71 – 5


  1. the inquisitors in 1246 attached great significance to body language: Pegg, Corruption 92 – 103


wildly differing estimates: Biget, Hérésie 106- 7, suggests that ‘dissidence touched’  no more than 5% of the population of the region as a whole, or than 25% in the Lauragais, the region considered most deeply pervaded by the influence of the good men.  This is probably as good an estimate as we are likely to get, but the problems of definition, shifting over time, remain.  By way of comparison, though with every possible qualification as to the varieties of error attendant upon any such speculation, it is interesting to notice that the Jewish population of several especially of the coastal towns, may have reached or in one or two cases exceeded 10%; on the other hand, Jewish settlement in the villages and lordships away from the coast was negligible: Jordan,  French Monarchy 112 – 4.


  1. the famous reply of a catholic knight: William of Puylaurens, 25



16: Politics by other means


  1. H&A, 173–4. For a complete translation of the canons, Decrees of The Ecumenical Councils, ed. Norman P. Tanner, 1 (Washington, DC, 1990).


  1. Amalric of Bène: Dickson, ‘The Burning of the Amalricians’; Thijssen, ‘Master Amalric’.


  1. Jacques de Vitry, quoted in John C. Moore, Innocent III (Notre Dame, IN, 2009), 288.


  1. The Chronicle of William of Puylaurens, trans. W. A. and M. D. Sibley (Woodbridge, 2003), 74.


  1. The ‘Liber Augustalis’, trans. James F. Powell (Syracuse, Ny, 1971), 7–10.


  1. a major inspiration both of heresy and of persecution: Burr, Spiritual Franciscans. This, even more than Joachism, is the greatest of the transformations of the later thirteenth century in respect of the relations between religious visionaries, eccclesiastical and secular authority and the laity which led me effectively to terminate this book c. 1250.


  1. its explicit endorsement of the death penalty for heresy: Maisonneuve, 245


They were often accepted by the cities: Scharff, Häretikerverfolgung, 81 – 97 and passim.


  1. Miller, The Bishop’s Palace, 166–9, from which this discussion is almost wholly derived. On the wider political context of these factional conflicts, see also Raccagni, Lombard League, 186 – 91



17: The sleep of reason


  1. John of Salisbury, Polycraticus, ii. 17, ed. K. S. B. Keats-Rohan (Turnholt, 1993), 105–6. Burchard xix.5, PL 140 col. 951 – 2; Ivo, xi. 30, PL 161 col.  751-3


  1. The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1075–1083, trans. H. E. J. Cowdrey (Oxford, 2002), vii.21, pp. 351–2. Ed. Caspar, 491- 2. cf. Flint, Rise of Magic, 79 – 83


  1. Edward L. Peters, The Magician, the Witch and the Law (Philadelphia, PA, 1978), 156–7; MGH Epist. saec. xiii, 1. 432 sqq.


  1. We have heard stories like this before: above, 21 and Ch. 1 n. 6; Guibert’s version, (Monodies, iii. xvii), part of a general description of ‘this heresy’ (p. 94), which precedes his interrogation of Clement and Everard and for which he gives no authority other than Augustine, is effectively identical.


sexual engagement of the devil, Lucifer, at secret meetings: Lucifer enters the narrative in the confession of Andreas and Pietro, ‘Cathars’ brought in 1229 by the abbot of San Minatio, Florence, to Perugia, where they abjured their heresy before Gregory IX and ‘the greatest multitude of men and women, in the presence of  many cardinals, archbishops, bishops and chaplains of the Roman church.’ The text, given by Lansing, Passion and Purity 179 – 81, with a translation and commentary at 84 – 7, does not mention orgies or, as Lansing remarks, emphasise the condemnation of procreation and marriage. Otherwise it faithfully summarises the legend whose evolution is described in Chapter 13 above. For this reason, and because there appears to be no indication of who Andreas and Pietro were, of the circumstances in which they came to make their confession, or of how it was composed – that of Bernard Raymond and Raymond de Baimac obviously comes to mind, but by 1229, as this chapter sets out, the levels of credulity and expectation had risen considerably, not least at the papal court – its status as an authentic and accurate account of the beliefs of real dissenters must be considered, to put it, mildly, problematic. Lansing, 86 – 8, compares it with the somewhat later account of the beliefs of Pier Garcias of Toulouse (below, 304 – 6). The crucial differences are that we have good grounds for believing that the statement of Pier’s conversation is, though edited, probably fairly accurate, and that – not coincidentally –  its theological, or metaphysical, component is much less explicit, and much less coherent, than that in the confession of Andreas and Pietro.


276 Caesarius of Heisterbach, in his Dialogue on Miracles: Merlo, Contro gli eretici, 51 – 73


  1. Cf. Hugh Trevor-Roper, The European Witch-Craze of the 16th and 17th Centuries (Harmondsworth, 1967), 81.


  1. Deborah Lipton, Images of Intolerance (Berkeley, CA, 1999), 5–13 and passim. For what follows, Alessia Trivellone, L’hérétique imaginé (Turnhout, 2009).

For the wider development and use of these imnages see also Camille, The Gothic Idol and Strickland, Saracens, Demons and Jews.


  1. the devil in the form of a cat: for Lipton the adoption of a specific iconographic symbol for heresy, the cat, is the most innovative aspect of the iconography of the Bible moralisée. It was also associated iconographically with students and philosophers (ib., 91 – 9). That, as we noticed above, it had quite recently been added to the rhetoric of heresy in the classroom of Alan of Lille adds one more link to Lipton’s rich and compelling discussion of the tangle of nightmare fantasies brought together in this generation and in these books.


  1. Golden Legend, II, 309.


  1. Annals of Worms, MGH SS, XVII, 839.


  1. Annals of Worms, 843; Trier Chronicle, MHG SS, 24, 402.


  1. one chronicle implies that he had been active for much longer: Annales breves Wormatiensis MGH SS XVII, 75


  1. The suggestion that this contributed to the acquiescence: Cohn, Europe’s Inner Demons, 126


  1. W&E, 268.


  1. Bulgarus (conventionally translated as bougre): but Bulgarus was not an uncommon personal name in the south; the link with Bulgaria was made only c. 1250, by Stephen of Bourbon; Zerner, ‘Du court moment’


Mont-Aimé in Champagne: the best account of this affair and its context, essentially followed here,  is Lower, ‘The burning at Mont-Aimé,’ summarised in idem., Barons’ Crusade 105 – 11. He does not comment on the victims or their beliefs.


‘a holocaust pleasing to the Lord’: cf. above 251


  1. Ann E. Lester, ‘From the Margins to the Center: Religious Women, the Cistercian order, and the Power of Reform in Thirteenth-Century Northern France’, International Congress of Historical Studies, Amsterdam 2010.


284 Matthew Paris: noted by Maisonneuve, 270, n. 138; Dobson, ‘Jews of  Medieval York’


  1. attempts to extend its jurisdiction in the commune of Cerea: Varanini. ‘Minima hereticalia’, also on line at I owe this reference to Maureen Miller.


  1. Augustine Thompson, Revival Preachers and Politics in Thirteenth Century Italy (Oxford, 1992), which easily supersedes previous accounts, and on which mine is heavily dependent.


  1. the incorporation of laws against heresy into municipal statutes: Thompson, 189 – 96; similarly, Scharff, Häretikerverfolgung 125 – 54


288.The arrangements for peace: conveniently summarised by Wakefield, Heresy, Crusade 126 – 8


  1. Conrad of Porto’s letter is rightly discounted: Biget, in Zerner, L’histoire 110 – 12; the text of the letter ibid. 266 – 9); Hamilton’s more charitable view, ‘Cathar Council’ 44 – 5, was formed before the Cistercian tradition had been fully exposed.


Vigorosus had been active in the region: Taylor, Heresy,  225 – 31


The only questions are whether: the views respectively of Dossat, ‘A propos du concile’, Hamilton and Biget


  1. L’histoire du Catharisme en discussion: Le ‘concile’ de St. Félix (1167), ed. Monique Zerner (Nice, 2001).


13        H&A, 194–5.


  1. a sermon of William of Solier’s at Lagarde: Pegg, Corruption, 84


  1. a crucial transition: cf. Dossat, for whom these years saw ‘une veritable centralisation du catharisme’, ‘Les cathares’, 72 – 3


in the forest near Labécède: Wakefield,  Heresy, Crusade 132; a description of the occasion, though with a difference of recollected date, Pegg, Corruption, 85


14        ‘The Chronicle of William Pelhisson’, trans. Wakefield, 209.


  1. studies of ostensibly religious riots: I have in mind especially the work of Paul R. Brass, including Riots and Pogroms, Forms of Collective Violence, ‘The Development of an Institutionalised Riot System in Meerut City1961 to 1982’



18: The vineyard of the lord


  1. Pier Seilha came from a family: on the Seilha/Cellanus family Mundy, Society and government, 341- 5; the family emerges in the 1170s and ‘80s, when several of its members were active in the entourage of the count and in property dealings. For a description of the house Vicaire, St. Dominic, 268 – 70.


  1. Jörg Feuchter, Konsuln und Büßer: Die städtischen Eliten von Montauban vor dem Inquisitor Petrus Cellani (1236/1241) (Tübingen, 2007).


  1. Wakefield, 250–58; for the provisions of Raymond of Peñafort, H&A, 198–200.


  1. To secure a confession judges might use torture: Peters, Torture 44 – 54


  1. The two surviving volumes of the ten: the famous MS 609 of the municipal library of Toulouse: see Pegg, Corruption 20 – 27; Biller, Bruschi and Sneddon, Inquisitors and Heretics, which appeared too late to have been used here.


  1. Pegg, The Corruption of Angels.


none of the parfaits (perfecti) who abound in modern accounts. I know of no justification for routinely translating heretici as perfects, parfaits, vollkommenen etc, as even serious scholars like Feuchter and Lansing are apt to do: it derives from unquestioning acceptance of the Augustinian/academic description of the ‘Cathars,’ and so ultimately from Eckbert of Schonau, who does use the term, rather than from what the inquisitors themselves reported. cf. now Sackville, Heresy and Heretics 201 – 2, another work which appeared too late to have been used here. Arnold, Inquisition and Power  38 – 9, remarks that at this period even the term hereticus  ‘is used in a way that is not so much technical as heretical’ – to designate enemies of the church rather than doctrinal deviance


no collective name for this faith and its followers. cf. Pegg, ‘On Cathars, Albigenses’, Thèry, ‘L’hèrèsie des bons hommes’


  1. This was not an absolute change: a key argument of Bruschi, Wandering Heretics, for whom the character of what she continues to call Catharism, while acknowledging and to large extent acting upon the objections so regularly referred to here, was largely moulded by the fundamental requirement of the apostolic ideal that its votaries must take to the roads: see especially the fine and subtle discussion at 100 – 06.


many other pious sectaries in the Europe of that time: e.g. the ‘informal communities of Béguines which began to appear in the Low Countries, apparently spontaneously and without central leadership from c. 1200: Simon, Cities of Ladies 35 – 48


  1. Partial trans., Wakefield, 242–9; Pegg, Corruption, 52 – 6


  1. the Superstar* of Salvo Burci, ed. Bruschi, Rome 2002; this discussion is heavily reliant on her masterly introduction and notes.


  1. Partial trans., W&E, 269–74.


  1. Roland of Cremona had to beat a hasty retreat: Thompson, Revival Preachers 36 – 7,  and for the complicated political background Raccagni, Lombard League 189 – 90.  But Thompson’s comment that the struggle between the traditional leaders of the commune and the emerging popolo ‘came later to Piacenza than to most other cities of Emilia’, fair in relation to these events, should not  lead us to overlook the long and complicated history of heresy accusations in connection with faction there: see above, 210. public controversy


  1. an inquisition at Orvieto: Lansing, Power and Purity 137 – 50


clothing with the fur turned inwards: Lansing, 69


  1. For Armanno Punziluppo, Lansing, Power and Purity, 92–5; Augustine Thompson, Cities of God (University Park, PA, 2005), 211–12, 430–33; for Bompietro di Bologna, Lansing 152–56, Thompson 434 – 56


  1. revelling in the prospect of martyrdom: Ames, Righteous Persecution, 57 – 94


  1. Pelhisson, trans. Wakefield, 220.


an energetic and successful organiser of lay fraternities: Little, Liberty, Charity,

Fraternity, 53 – 94


a promptly and successfully cultivated image of the Dominicans: Ames, Righteous Persecution 63 – 4. Peter’s cult was nicely complemented by that of his assassin Carino of Balsemo, who repented and died a Dominican: Prudlo, ‘The Assassin-Saint’


  1. Golden Legend, I, 255; Gerald of Frachet, quoted in Karen Sullivan, The Inner Lives of the Medieval Inquisitors (Chicago, IL, 2011), 104–5.


  1. the agenda of the longest and most comprehensive of these treatises: Chiu, ‘The Intellectual origins’


  1. W&E, 274–8.


10 Le liber de dubus principiis, ed. A. Dondaine (Rome, 1938), 64–78; BPH, 132–45.


  1. ‘The inquisition’ of popular legend’: Kieckhefer, ‘The Office of Inquisition’


  1. through the mists of late antiquity and the hidden valleys of the Balkans: classically represented by Runciman, The Medieval Manichee, and more recently by Stoyanov, The Hidden Tradition


  1. ‘L’hiérarchie cathare en Italie, I, Le “De heresi catharorum”’, ed. A. Dondaine, Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, XIX (1949); BPH, 122–7.

The title is not contemporary, but that given to the text by its modern editor, Dondaine. It is most probably to be dated around this time, in the 1220s or ‘30s. Dondaine suggested a somewhat earlier date, but as Biget points out (Zerner, Catharisme, 119 – 20) his reasoning was circular. See also Merlo, Contro gli eretici,  128 – 31


  1. ‘L’hiérarchie cathare en Italie, II’, ed. A. Dondaine, Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, XX (1950); BPH, 145–54.


  1. a genre that flourished in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries: to such an extent that virtually no modern study based on narrative sources lacks a discussion of some aspect of it; a reader less expert than the present author, if such there be, might care to begin with Remensnyder, Memories of Kings Past, a study of exemplary lucidity touching at several points on matters discussed here.


  1. it reflects recent development among the sects themselves: Zanella, Itinerari ereticali, rejecting the account of the ‘Cathar hierarchy’ based on these texts by Dondaine (above) and Borst, Die Katharer 202 – 13; he finds no incontrovertible dualism in Italy before 1250.


The place of Bulgaria and Constantinople in the origin myth: I have no new blows to inflict upon the corpse of this long moribund horse, which I last visited in ‘Afterthoughts’ 299 – 306, where references to the essential historiography may be found.  That paper had not been able to take account of Claire Taylor’s exhaustive and subtly argued resuscitation, Heresy in Medieval France 55 – 138.  As to the eleventh century,  to which the greater part of her discussion is devoted, she concludes that such influence was present in Aquitaine, as in Constantinople,  but with ‘fewer Bogomils, fewer elite converts to protect them, some element of language barrier, and above all a cautious approach which entailed revealing the whole picture about the heresy only to schooled initiates.’ (125) The proposition is, of course, (like another member of this metaphysical menagerie,  the ancient and decrepit canard that is the ‘seat of heresy of the 1020s’ at Mont-Aimé  endorsed by Poly and Bournazel, Feudal Transformation 276) logically incapable of disproof, but it remains a non-answer to a non-problem.  Whatever ‘resemblances’ may be detected by modern observers, whatever ‘elements within the sources’ are not ‘fully explained’,  no individual has been even speculatively identified as a possible conduit either in medieval sources or by modern commentators,  no direct contact between eastern and western heretics is attested before the 1170s, and that in Constantinople,  and the most ingenious hypothesis of textual transmission of dualist mythology from east to west  (Hamilton, ‘Wisdom from the East’: see note 13 below) does not  suggest it until late in the twelfth century.  How satisfactorily the recorded phenomena can be explained without resort to such phantoms is in the end a subjective question as to which, so far as the present work is concerned, readers will reach their own conclusions. Even on the premise that belief in two gods could be accounted for in no other way, however,  they should bear in mind that the ‘dualism’ referred to by Taylor and others remains wholly inferential at this period and for long after: it was not alleged until the 1160s that there were people who actually held such a belief, only slowly over the next thirty years the most alarmist observers concluded that that belief and a theology derived from it lay at the root of what they regarded as the most dangerous heresies, and only after another thirty that the associated mythology became clearly visible even in the most committed antiheretical reports.


  1. Hugh Eteriano, Contra Paterenos, passim. Bernard Hamilton’s introduction to this treatise (1–102) makes the most learned and persuasive modern case for close links between Byzantine and Western heresy – if one accepts, as I, (like with Zanella, Itinerari eretici) cannot, the equation of Lateran III between ‘Patarene’ and ‘Cathar’ and the assumption that both mean ‘dualist’ there and thereafter (cf.Hamilton 8–9 and p. 209 above),


  1. legends and rituals associated with the Bulgarian Bogomil heretics: as Pegg remarks, ‘Albigenses in the Antipodes’ 000, Unfortunately, no theological books ostensibly written by “Cathars” have survived, apart from supposed extracts in the summae of Dominican inquisitors or a handful of dubious texts from the late thirteenth century.’


  1. Communication there was: see, above all, Bruschi, Wandering Heretics.


  1. Contrary to the image promoted by their origin myth: as noted by Remensnyder, Memories, 46


  1. Meyer Schapiro, The Sculpture of Moissac (London, 1985, 4–5); Constance H. Berman, ‘Medieval Agriculture, the Southern French Countryside and the Early Cistercians’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 76/5 (1986).

Cheyette, Ermengarde, 118 – 23





328 the influence of the good men had worn away: see especially Biget, ‘L’extinction de la dissidence urbaine, 1270 – 1329’, Hérésie et inquisition206 – 28.


  1. the work of the devil: Boureau, Satan hérétique, arguing that obsessive fear of the devil was not an essential aspect of medieval Christianity but emerged suddenly between 1280 and 1330, a decisive turning point whose theological foundation was the progressive elaboration since the 1230s and ‘40s of a theory of sacramental causation that propounded the idea of a pact between God and man, and hence by extension the possibility of one between man and the devil (10 – 14)


Afterword: The war among the scholars


1          Trevor-Roper, European Witch-Craze 81.


  1. separate departments… of History and of Religion or Church History: a point seldom alluded to in accounts of the history of the discipline, and very seldom discussed – in marked contrast to the wider issues concerning the relationship between teaching and research in history, religion and religious authority since the mddle of the ninententh century. Thus, almost a random example, Peter Novick, (whose index contains no reference to church, religion, ecclesiastical or religious history) notes that between the World Wars ‘American Catholic historians – at least those born into the faith – inhabited a separate scholarly world’ and that in the 1950s the extent of discrimination against Catholics is difficilut to assess because a ‘very high proportion of Catholic historians were part of a separate labour market – graduates of Catholic universities who spent their entire careers at Catholic institutions’ (That Noble Dream, 174n, 366n). I know of no serious assessment of this separation on the development of the discipline – another consequence,  perhaps, of the mutal reticence it has fostered?


  1. By the 1970s it was widely accepted: accounts of the debate up to that point include Russell, ‘Some Interpretations’, Brooke, ‘Heresy and Religious Sentiment’ and Moore, ‘The Origins of Medieval Heresy’


particular attention to heresy in the Languedoc: the historiography is the subject of a literature almost as large and various as that of the subject itself; one might begin,  at the temperate and rational end of the spectrum, with Cahiers de Fanjeaux 14: Historiographie du catharisme, (1979) especially the papers by Carbonell, Dossat and Biget; Barber, The Cathars, 203 – 25 and Martel,  Les cathares et l’histoire.











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Adalbero de Laon, Poème au roi Robert ed. Claude Carozzi (Paris 1979)

Adam of Bremen, History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen tr. F J. Tschan, (New York 2002)

Adémar of Chabannes, Chronicon ed. J. Chavanon (Paris 1897)

Alan of Lille, De fide catholica contra haereticos, PL 210 305 – 430

Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, Chronica MGH SS XXI, 631 – 950

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– Vita B. Gualberti ed. F. Baethgen MGH SS, XXX 2

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